The Alt-Right subculture may be little more than a subculture but could be a prelude to a future neo-fascism. Yet rather than panicking Communists must build a movement worth defending and win the battle of ideas.
Hipster douchebag and head of National Policy Institute Richard Spencer, who claims to have coined the term alternative-right.
From the depths of the internet a subculture of reactionary pseudo-intellectuals who obsess over the supposed “biological reality of race” or “race realism” has arisen. They believe there is a literal white genocide occurring due to immigration and demographic changes. Feminism is seen as a “cancer” as it has subverted the “natural hierarchy” between the sexes, in which gender roles are purely rooted in biology and not a product of social and historical development. Democracy and Communism are all the same, promoting a false ideology of equality that has led to the decay of society since the French Revolution. The Jews are partially to blame, but they are just one culprit amongst the “SJWS” and “cucks” who have subverted society from within and made the typically sexually frustrated white males who participate in this culture the true outcasts while making the leftist extremists come out as the status quo.
The above may be a stereotype, but based on my research it’s a relatively accurate one that essentially sums up the core ideology of the Alt-Right, a subculture which has recently developed more notoriety due to their vocal support for Donald Trump’s presidential campaign. To some on the alt-right, Trump is like a figure from mythology; a God-Emperor who comes to reestablish the righteous authority of the ultra-conservative white male in the form of a dictatorship, while violently cleansing the nation of its “degenerate elements.” They often gleefully refer to Pinochet’s reactionary coup, in which leftists were tortured and executed by being thrown out of helicopters, as an example of what is to come. While Trump has nothing to say to the press when asked about his vocal followers in the fringe right, his alt-right followers seem more than happy to attempt to rally around Trump. Others are more skeptical of Trump, seeing him more as simply an opportunity to move the general political discourse further to the right.
Writers like Milo Yiannopolis of Breitbart makes light of the alt-rights racism and sexism, saying that in the most open forms it’s simply the work of trolls poking at the remaining sacred cows (which leftists are of course not allowed to do). However one doesn’t have to look far into the actual online communities of the alternative-right to find that they are indeed racists and advocate for the subjugation of women due to a belief in natural hierarchies. One doesn’t have to dig very far into the works of Kevin McDonald or Jared Taylor to find overt racism, anti-Semitism and misogyny. What we have here is clearly an ideology that at its core is anti-egalitarian and anti-democratic, asserting the need for an order where “natural” hierarchies can prevail while rejecting any notion of a universal humanity with common interests. It’s classical reactionary thought, not really any much different from the long tradition of anti-democratic reaction that goes back to Joseph de Maistre’s hatred of the French Revolutions universalist impulses:
“The constitution of 1795, like its predecessors, has been drawn up for Man. Now, there is no such thing in the world as Man. In the course of my life, I have seen Frenchmen, Italians, Russians, etc.; I am even aware, thanks to Montesquieu, that one can be a Persian. But, as for Man, I declare that I have never met him in my life. If he exists, I certainly have no knowledge of him.”
The Alt-right can easily be seen as a budding proto-fascism, rejecting the premises of both liberal democracy and communism. Because communism and liberal democracy are both theoretically based on egalitarian premises, they are essentially two sides of the same coin to the alt-right. This type of thinking is ultimately rooted in anti-Semitic conspiracy theories from the 19th and early 20th centuries about Marxism and the Russian Revolution being products of Jewish banking conspiracies. Classical Fascism developed as a form of radicalism that promised to wage a revolution of national rebirth that would do away with both the financial elites that squeezed the petty-bourgeois and the Communists who threatened their wealth. It promised a more organic and vital nation, free from the shackles of liberal pretenses to egalitarianism and democracy which simply promoted the growth of Communism.
Today there is no real Communist threat, as much as we’d like to think so. Instead global liberalism has largely consolidated itself as the hegemonic political system and what remains of the classical Communist movement are the shadows of a decaying Stalinism. This puts the far-right in an opportune position to present itself as the only legitimate opposition to global liberalism, which isn’t always identified with capitalism as such but with financial elites (“banksters)” or mass immigration. However, how much alt-right ideologues are critical of markets and capitalism, and economics are overall seen as less important that things like identity and tradition.
So who exactly are these “alt-righters” beyond a few random shut-ins spouting garbage on Youtube? Richard Spencer’s National Policy Institute is a sort of think-tank for the alt-right, hosting conferences where different far-right speakers are hosted. The NPI aren’t a political party but seem to be more interesting in doing the intellectual work in making a viable far-right for 21st century. Their fixation is centered on identity, specifically white European identity.
While those of the European New-Right such as Alain de Benoist distance themselves from biological racism in favor of a more culturalist interpretation of what defines a “race” the Alt-right in the USA are quite obsessed with the long disproven idea that humanity is divided into recognizable biological races. This is called “race realism” when in reality it is just a rebranding of old school scientific racism. Proving that race is a biological reality has an almost obsessive quality to Alt-righters, believing that if they debunk the idea of race then the entire mythology that upholds global liberalism will be overthrown. Primary proponents of “race realism” include Jared Taylor (who heads the race realist American Renaissance think-tank) and Steve Sailer.
The latest stunt of the National Policy Institute was to set up a “safe space” at the University of Berkley for whites to discuss their identity and interests. “If other groups get to have identity politics, why don’t we?” is the typical argument made to try and mask this kind of nonsense as non-racist. We also have an example of how the alt-right weaponize and appropriate various leftist concepts, similar to the classical fascists. Another common talking point amongst Alt-righters is that they simply want self-determination for all ethnic groups and support nationalists of all skin colors, they just want the same right given to whites. Using this rhetoric “free association” is used to mean what in reality would require bloody ethnic balkanization.
NPI have also tried to make inroads with the Trump campaign, proudly proclaiming they were a presence at the Republican National Convention. Spencer realizes Trump isn’t the savior of the supposedly endangered white race, but sees him as opening space for white nationalism/European identitarianism (European) to organize within the party: “we can go to meetings and call ourselves Trump Republicans” says Spencer in one of his podcasts.
That said NPI is simply a think-tank, not a fascist political party. They see themselves as waging a “metapolitical” struggle of ideas, which mostly translates to trolling online and holding conferences. Their ideas will only become a material threat if organizations put them into practice.
The other organized group of the alt-right are the Traditionalist Workers Party, who are arguably more worrisome due to their desire to build an institutional electoral party based on the interest of whites. Partly led by the former leader of the White Student Union Matthew Heimbach, who got some notoriety from a Vice documentary, their motto is “faith, family and folk”. The Traditionalists Workers Party are openly and adamantly against abortion and rights for gays, speak about the need for a white ethno-state, and point to both Hezbollah and the Golden Dawn as an inspiration for party building. This form of third-positionism that draws on patriarchal religious faith as well as white identity workerism could be a serious source of reaction within the United States. Yet as of now they are merely a sect, and their attempt to hold a public rally in Sacramento was essentially shut down by local leftists (though with wounded individuals on both sides).
NPI and the TWP both differ on the issue of homosexuality, which NPI is tolerant of while Heimbach’s crew see it as an abomination. This lead to a rift between the two organizations, with NPI hosting gay speakers like Jack Donovan. Patriarchal gender roles are still generally upheld by alt-righters however; they are seen as being corroded by feminism to the detriment of civilization itself. In fact much of the basis for the alt-right phenomena seems to be rooted in a revanchism against the gains women have made through feminist and gender related movements. Much of the alt-rights “base” seems to be young men who spend their time being resentful and angry at women, yearning for a (mythological) day when being born a white male gave a guaranteed career and a “trophy wife”. Living in an alienating and atomized society and looking for answers to the general question of “why is shit fucked up” many find feminists (or women in general) as well as non-whites as an easy scapegoat.
The difference between the views on homosexuality is just one example of the divergence of ideology within the alternative-right. Ideologues that fall under this label range from National-Anarchism to Pinochet worshipping anarcho-capitalists who follow the monarchy apologist Hans-Herman Hoppe. What in the end unites the alt-right is its opposition to democracy and communism, personalized by the “SJW”. The term is broadly applied to all who have any problem at all with the existence of exploitation and oppression in this society, no matter what their actual politics are. This creates a phenomena where there are no real understood differences between actual Marxist and Communist politics and the identity politics of the neo-liberal “left”. By focusing on the most extreme examples of the latter camp, alt-right trolls try to create a mythological threat of a tyrannical and oppressive political correctness that is destroying society.
So are the alternative-right an actual threat to be worried about? The actual threat that fascists will become to society generally depends on the extent to which an organized left exists. The organization of the alternative-right ultimately only exists as small sects (much like the left) and isolated internet weirdos. It is more of a counter-culture of sorts that is creating the ideology of what could potentially be a budding fascism. But for fascism to actually be on the table the ruling class needs to ultimately to have an incentive to repeal constitutionalism to restore order in a crisis situation. The bourgeoisie needs to essentially be posed with some sort of threat to their existence that they would need to pull back democratic norms and give power to a dictators backed by paramilitaries who will restore order. We are far from this case in the United States. In the case that Trump were to win the presidency we would not so much as likely see a fascist dictatorship of the “God Emperor” as just a buffoon mismanaging the state. On the other hand it could also potentially increase the public appeal of far-right ideas and give more confidence and legitimacy to white nationalists. This isn’t to embrace “anything but Trump” style politics, but being aware of and hostile to the far-right is still of importance, as they will likely become shock troops of reaction in times of heated class struggle and revolution.
Rather than embracing a popular front with liberals to fight Trump and win voters to Clinton, we need to build a politically independent movement from all bourgeois parties composed of working people and the entire dispossessed that can stand as a real alternative to the “quick fix” populist demagoguery of the far-right. This will inevitably involve mobilizing people to shut down the organizations of the far-right, and it also may also involve debating their “intellectuals” in some circumstances. I would go as far to argue that Communists should debate figures like Milo Yiannopolis and even Richard Spencer if we are truly confident that our ideas are more correct. This may be heresy to many leftists, who argue that we should never debate the far-right ever because it gives them a chance to spread their platform. The problem is that far-right ideas are spreading regardless, and refusing to challenge them simply makes the left look like we’re not capable of actually proving our ideas are correct and rational. To quote Marx:
“Censorship does not abolish the struggle, it makes it one-sided, it converts an open struggle into a hidden one, it converts a struggle over principles into a struggle of principle without power against power without principle.”
The point is not that we should actively pursue debates with prominent alt-right thinkers but be prepared and willing to debate them when necessary, just as we must be capable of actually fighting fascists physically when necessary. If the growing popularity of the alt-right ideology and general racist nationalism are to be effectively challenged, flexibility of tactics is necessary.